Libya Archives - Uprights

UpRights and StraLi welcome the recent ruling of the Italian Court of Cassation (Judgment No. 4557 of Feb. 1, 2024, Fifth Criminal Section). The Court of Cassation’s decision upholds the conviction of the captain of the Italian-flagged tugboat Asso 28, which, in July 2018, intercepted 101 migrants near an oil platform in Libyan Search and Rescue zones and handed them over to the so-called Libyan Coast Guard, facilitating their return to Libya.

The landmark ruling considers the appeal of the commander of the tugboat Ace 28 as unfounded and bases the decision on “the high risk [that] the migrants [might be] subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment in the detention centers […] in Libyan territory, with the impossibility of seeing their fundamental rights protected”. The Court of Cassation, therefore, declares in no uncertain terms that Libya is not a safe harbor.

Moreover, the Court of Cassation also saw in the conduct of the captain of the boat Asso 28 the elements of collective pushback, which is prohibited by the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), because in the act of handing over people to the Libyan authorities he failed to identify them, to obtain information about their origin and nationality, their health conditions, and to ascertain their willingness to seek asylum, among others (also recalling a landmark ruling of the EDU Court, Hirsi Jamaa and others v. Italy, 2012). In addition, the Court found a violation of the so-called principle of non-refoulement (or non-rejection), which prohibits Italy from returning individuals to countries where there is a risk that they will be subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment, and thus in the case at hand-to Libya.

In light of the Court’s ruling and their established partnership, UpRights and StraLi call on Italy to comply with international human rights standards and end its complicity with violations of migrants’ rights.

On Feb. 2, 2024, StraLi and UpRights published the report “Navigating Troubled Waters: Italy’s Human Rights Dilemma in the Mediterranean” which underlines the serious human rights violations resulting from Italy’s cooperation with Libya and, how the Memorandum of Understanding between Italy and Libya situates Italy in violation of its international human rights obligations.

The report reiterates the urgent need for Italy to reformulate its approach to international cooperation in the area of migration. In response to the most recent developments, UpRights and StraLi reiterate their call for a reconsideration of Italy’s cooperation strategy with Libya, proposing two options to ensure compliance with international law obligations:

Amending the Memorandum of understanding by introducing a clause specifying that respect for human rights and international humanitarian law is essential. This clause should establish an independent body to monitor compliance, a list of mitigation measures for human rights violations, and a legal framework for effective access to justice.

Termination or suspension of the Memorandum if amendments consistent with principles of international law cannot be introduced. Violations by Libyan authorities could justify such actions under Article 60 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties.

StraLi and UpRights also collaborated on a Article 15 Communication on War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity Committed Against Migrants and Asylum Seekers in Libya, to initiate an investigation into the international crimes committed by Libyan armed groups against migrant persons intercepted at sea and brought back to Libya, and the potential responsibilities of Italian and Maltese authorities with respect to these crimes.

On February 2nd, 2024, UpRights and StraLi released the report Navigating Troubled Waters: Italy’s Human Rights Dilemma in the Mediterranean .

Shedding light on the human rights violations arising from the implementation of Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed by Italy and Libya, this report builds upon our Article 15 Communication to the International Criminal Court, which called for an investigation into the international crimes committed by Libyan armed groups against migrants following their interception at sea and return  to  Libya.

The Memorandum of Understanding: A Closer Look

As we approach the 7th anniversary of the MoU, the report delves into its negative human rights implications, calling for a critical examination of Italy’s cooperation practices with Libya and emphasizing the drastic need for a reformulation of such framework.

Tacitly renewed last in February 2023, the MoU has increased the capacity of Libya to intercept migrants and refugees. Nonetheless, the absence of human rights provisions in the framework of the agreement drastically impacted the basic human rights of vulnerable persons, with migrants intercepted at sea facing mistreatment, including arbitrary arrest, torture, inhuman treatment, and sexual violence.

Italy’s International Responsibilities

Our report argues that such violations inevitably render Italy’s position, and consequently the MoU itself, untenable, and situate Italy in violation of its human rights obligations through a policy of externalization.

Indeed, the conduct of Libyan authorities exposes Italy to international responsibility for the violation of several international conventions, including the United Nations Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and possibly the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).

The material support provided by Italy may even implicate individual criminal responsibility for Italian agents assisting the Libyan authorities, potentially qualifying as war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Call to Action: Reframing Italy’s Cooperation Strategy

As such, the report calls for a reconsideration of Italy’s cooperation strategy with Libya, proposing two options to ensure compliance with international law obligations:

1. Amendment of the MoU: A human rights clause should be introduced, specifying that respect for human rights and international humanitarian law is essential. This clause should establish an independent body to monitor compliance, a list of mitigating measures for human rights violations, and a legal framework for effective access to justice.

2. Termination or Suspension of the MoU: If amendments consistent with human rights principles cannot be introduced, the report suggests the possibility of terminating or suspending the MoU. Violations by the Libyan authorities may justify such actions under Article 60 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, providing leverage for negotiations on amendments in line with Italy’s human rights obligations.

Moving towards human rights

In light of the harsh realities faced by migrants in the Mediterranean, the report urges Italy to amend its policies to ensure compliance with international human rights standards. The report aims to encourage a constructive dialogue and tangible actions to ensure the protection of migrants’ rights and uphold Italy’s commitment to its international obligations.

On 28 April 2022, during a regular briefing to the United Nations Security Council on the situation in Libya, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) reported that crimes committed against migrants in Libya may amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes and fall within the ICC jurisdiction. Never before had the Prosecutor been so clear on the nature of these crimes or his Office’s intention to pursue such a line of investigation.

These conclusions are fully consistent with the Article 15 Communication on War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity Committed Against Migrants and Asylum Seekers in Libya filed on 17 January 2022 by UpRights, Adala for All, and StraLi. In his report the Prosecutor confirmed that the communication assisted his work and inquiry concerning relevant crimes committed against migrants in Libya.

The Article 15 Communication filed on 17 January 2022 – and now publicly available – concerns war crimes committed in Libya between 2017 and 2021 against migrants and asylum seekers. The Communication requests the ICC to investigate international crimes committed by Libyan armed groups against thousands of migrants, including women and children, trapped in detention centres in Libya following their interception at sea. Once returned to Libya, the victims were routinely and systematically subjected to various forms of mistreatments and abuse including murder, torture, rape, forced labour and forced conscription. The Communication underlines that the ICC Prosecutor must investigate war crimes against migrants and asylum seekers detained in Libya committed by Libyan armed groups and officials with the support of Italian and Maltese Authorities.

In a blog post published today on Justice in Conflict, UpRights co-founder Alessandro Pizzuti and Alice Giannini from StraLi discuss the ICC Prosecutor’s report to the United Nations Security Council and the content of the Article 15 Communication filed on 17 January 2022. The post reconstructs some of the challenges, in terms of qualification and jurisdiction, which are behind the ICC Prosecution’s conclusion that the abuses against migrants in Libya may qualify as war crimes and crimes against humanity.

The International Criminal Court must investigate war crimes against migrants and asylum seekers detained in Libya committed by Libyan armed groups and officials with the support of Italian and Maltese Authorities

(The Hague, Paris, Turin) 18 January 2022 – Yesterday, Adala for All, StraLi, and UpRights filed a Communication to the International Criminal Court (ICC) concerning crimes committed in Libya between 2017 and 2021 against migrants and asylum seekers which may amount to war crimes within the jurisdiction of the court. The Communication requests the ICC to investigate international crimes committed by Libyan armed groups against thousands of migrants, including women and children, trapped in detention centres in Libya following their interception at sea. Once returned to Libya, the victims were routinely and systematically subjected to various forms of mistreatments and abuse including murder, torture, rape, forced labour and forced conscription. The Communication underlines that the ICC Prosecutor should scrutinize, in addition to Libyan actors, the potential criminal conduct of Italian and Maltese authorities and officials for the support they provided to Libyan actors.

Since the Revolution of 2011, Libya has been subject to ongoing armed conflict and political instability. Armed groups have dominated smuggling and trafficking throughout the country and developed a predatory economy in which migrants are intercepted at sea during their journey to Europe, returned to Libya and placed in detention centres in which they are systematically subjected to serious abuses. Actors involved in the commission of these alleged crimes include members of armed groups in control of detention centres, acting under the nominal authority of Libyan authorities, as well as the Libyan Coast Guard and the Department Combatting Illegal Migration under the Ministry of Interior.

The crimes committed against migrants and asylum seekers qualify and should be investigated as war crimes under Article 8 of the ICC Statute. Members of armed groups, taking direct part in ongoing hostilities in Libya, have subjected migrants intercepted at sea to numerous abuses in detention centres under their control including murder, torture and/or cruel treatment, forced labour, hostage-taking, and various forms of sexual violence including rape and sexual slavery. The Communication submits that these acts meet the threshold necessary for war crimes as they took place in the context of and were associated with the ongoing armed conflict in Libya. Additionally, these crimes qualify as crimes against humanity under Article 7 of the ICC Statute.

The need to investigate and ensure accountability is heightened by the fact that a number of European authorities, including Italian and Maltese nationals, have facilitated the return of migrants to Libya leading to their detention and subsequent mistreatment. As observed by Ramadan Amani from Adala for All, “Crimes committed against migrants in Libya represent an emerging ‘pocket of impunity’ at the border of Europe which has become increasingly and openly accepted by the international community despite the massive amount of evidence of pervasive international crimes on Europe’s doorstep. Available evidence clearly points to responsibilities within Europe.”

Between 2017 and 2021, Italian authorities and officials provided crucial support to the Libyan Coast Guard to intercept migrants at sea and return them to detention centres including the provision of assets, equipment, maintenance and trainings. Italian and Maltese officials closely coordinated with the Libyan Coast Guard on rescue operations to ensure that migrants at sea would be intercepted and returned to Libya. The communication submits that the support provided by the Italian and Maltese authorities to the Libyan Coast Guard qualifies as a form of contribution to the crimes committed against migrants in detention centres and triggers international criminal responsibility under the ICC Statute.

Alessandro Pizzuti, co-founder of UpRights, underlines that “crimes committed against migrants in Libya differ from past atrocities generally addressed by international criminal courts and tribunals. In Libya the parties to the conflict target migrants because they are perceived as a crucial asset to advance their political and military objectives. To meet the new challenges that the world is facing, it is indispensable that the international criminal court provide robust responses to these new factual scenarios and dynamics”

The submitting organizations reiterate the need for investigation and potential prosecution of all relevant actors outlined in the Communication. As observed by Nicolò Bussolati, vice-President of StraLi, “the Communication requests the ICC to undertake an investigation and take an important first step to ensure that crimes related to migration, traditionally under the purview of human rights and refugee law, are scrutinized through the lens of international criminal law”.

For more information, please contact Alessandro Pizzuti: a.pizzuti@uprights.org

Read the Executive Summary of the ICC Communication and the Press Release.

About the Organizations

Adala For All is a not-for-profit organization, based in France, and composed of a network of dozens of Libyan human rights lawyers and jurists with expertise in the MENA region. Through its members, based in Libya, AFA works with victims and members of local CSOs in need of legal support to defend their cases in front of national courts and access to international accountability mechanisms.

StraLi is an Italian NGO aiming at the promotion and protection of human rights through the judicial system and, in particular, the use of strategic litigation tools. The organisation is mainly based in Turin, but has active members all over Europe. Although mainly composed of lawyers, it includes professionals from various fields – such as doctors, psychologists, social-media managers and journalists – to approach human rights protection from an holistic and multidisciplinary perspective.

UpRights is a non-profit initiative based in The Hague, Netherlands. UpRights strives for effective access to justice for victims of serious human rights violations and international crimes. UpRights works in collaboration with civil society and international organisations to promote victims’ rights, providing professional assistance on matters concerning international criminal law and human rights law. Our team includes professionals from international criminal Tribunals and UN Commissions of Inquiry with extensive knowledge of human rights and international criminal law.

In a blogpost published on OpinioJuris, UpRights co-founder Alessandro Pizzuti and Dr. Clare Frances Moran from Edinburgh Napier University discuss the human rights implications of the Memorandum of Understanding signed between Italy and Libya in 2017.

The support provided by Italy pursuant to the Memorandum of Understanding has enhanced the capacity of the Libyan Coast Guard to intercept migrants at sea and return them to Libya where they are subjected to systematic abuses including torture, sexual violence, and murder. These forms of abuses may amount to violations of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the Convention against Torture (CAT). To the extent that Italy’s support to the Libyan authorities is instrumental to such violations, these instruments may apply extraterritorially, attracting Italy’s responsibility for such acts.

Read the full blogpost on OpinioJuris!

In July, Uprights released a concluding that Italy’s cooperation with Libyan authorities under the MoU is in violation of its human rights obligations and that the agreement needs to be reframed consistently in accordance with international law standards.

UpRights is pleased to share a new position paper entitled “Towards a Better Migrant Protection Framework Along the Central Mediterranean Route: Human rights implications and necessary revisions of the Memorandum of Understanding Between Italy and Libya”.

Read the full Position Paper.

The paper considers the human rights implications of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between Italy and Libya on 2 February 2017 in which Italy committed to support and strengthen Libyan authorities’ ability to perform rescue missions and intercept migrants attempting to cross the Mediterranean Sea.

The position paper highlights that the implementation of the MoU by Italy is in violation of its obligations under international human rights law. The paper recommends that Italy amend the MoU to ensure that cooperation with Libya is consistent with its international obligations. Should such amendments be impossible, Italy must suspend or terminate the MoU to ensure it is in compliance with relevant international obligations.

As detailed in the paper, the MoU has empowered Libyan authorities, particularly the Libyan Coast Guard, at the expense of migrants’ human rights. Migrants recovered at sea by the Libyan Coast Guard have been and continue to be subjected to serious forms of mistreatment by the Libyan Coast Guard and the armed groups in charge of the detention centres where migrants are later transferred after disembarking in Libya. They are subjected to various forms of ill-treatment, including arbitrary arrest, torture, inhuman treatment and sexual violence. In addition, Libyan authorities have been directly implicated in the business of trafficking of migrants.

Despite awareness of the abuses faced by migrants rescued at sea by the Libyan authorities, the Italian authorities have not undertaken any measures to prevent the commission of further human rights violations. On the contrary, the MoU was tacitly renewed in February 2020. In addition, on 15 July 2021, the low chamber of the Italian Parliament (Camera dei Deputati) authorised once again the financing of the Libyan Coast Guard pursuant to the MoU. This decision will be effective once ratified by the high chamber of the Parliament (Senato).

The paper considers the potential Italian liability emanating from the MoU in light of the conduct of Libyan authorities including potential violations of the United Nations Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and possibly the European Convention on Human Rights. Indeed, the Italian Government’s material support for the Libyan authorities, without due regard for the human rights of those whom their actions affect, attracts its responsibility under these instruments.

This paper recommends that Italy’s cooperation with Libya must be reframed consistently with its human rights obligations and in light of the recommendations formulated on numerous occasions by different international organisations including the Committee Against Torture and the Council of Europe.

In particular, Italy should amend the current MoU to include a human rights clause specifying that the respect of human rights, and possibly of international humanitarian law, is an essential element of the respective treaty. The provision must allow the parties to suspend or terminate the treaty in case of persistent violations of the clause and should, at a minimum, incorporate:

1. The establishment of an independent body or organ in charge of monitoring and evaluating of human rights and international humanitarian law compliance by the parties in the execution of the MoU;

2. A list of mitigating measures which parties may seek in the event of human rights violations to address such violations and ensure non-repetition;

3. The implementation of a legal framework to facilitate effective access to justice for those who suffered human rights violations connected to the support provided by Italy on the basis of the MoU.

Should amendments consistent with these principles be unable to be introduced in the MoU, the paper concludes that the only viable alternative which can ensure Italy is not held responsible for the human rights violations committed by the Libyan authorities would be to terminate or suspend the MoU.

The blogpost published on OpinioJuris, by UpRights co-founder Alessandro Pizzuti and entitled ICC Situation on Libya: The ICC Prosecutor Should Look into Libyan Criminal Proceedings Concerning Crimes Committed Against Migrants is now available in Arabic.

The article discusses the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) investigation in Libya and explains why the ICC Prosecutor should look into Libyan criminal proceedings concerning crimes committed against migrants.

On 9 December 2020, Uprights co-Founder, Alessandro Pizzuti, participated with No Peace Without Justice, in a virtual parliamentary briefing on “Dynamics of Human Rights Violations and Impunity in Libya” chaired by Hon. Giuliano Pisapia MEP, Standing Rapporteur on Libya for the European Parliament.

Uprights addressed in particular the question of the role in and responsibility of third States engaged in the Libyan conflict for human rights and international humanitarian law violations which occurred on the ground. Assessing the responsibility of these actors is necessary to establish full accountability for such breaches. The text of the presentation is reproduced below.

The virtual event can be find in four languages (Arabic, English, French and Italian) here:

Facebook:

Arabic: https://www.facebook.com/282717801814824/videos/392491905355287

English: https://www.facebook.com/ncpsg/videos/1768365769983803

French: https://www.facebook.com/282717801814824/videos/245240710575364/

Italian: https://www.facebook.com/ncpsg/videos/1094191687668332

Twitter:

Arabic: https://twitter.com/NpwjPress/status/1337711311438966787

English: https://twitter.com/NpwjPress/status/1337710845913128961

French: https://twitter.com/NpwjPress/status/1337713808215842816

Italian: https://twitter.com/NpwjPress/status/1337713237505306626

Youtube:

Arabic: https://youtu.be/I99qrzL9VKE

English: https://youtu.be/IDVr2n40wOk

French: https://youtu.be/pdJOLXo98lU

Italian: https://youtu.be/pmkZDEs0YH8

Uprights’ Presentation at the Virtual European Parliament Briefing

My intention is to briefly address the question of the potential responsibilities of third States engaged in the Libyan conflict for human rights and IHL violations. The interference of foreign states in the Libyan conflict is, I believe, an aspect that has indisputably fueled and exacerbated the violence in Libya, especially in the last few years.

Now, if we believe that impunity is a factor that contributes to the destabilisation of Libya, this applies necessarily also to allegations concerning third States’ implication in human rights and international law violations.

It is not my intention today to make any definitive assertions regarding wrongdoings of particular States or individuals. It is too early at this stage for such determinations.

Instead, I want to focus on the main allegations that have been already raised by the United Nations and to attempt to explain how such allegations generally may give rise to State Responsibility as well as the Individual Criminal Responsibility.

The relevant allegations can generally be divided into three main categories.

First, the UN Panel of Experts has indicated that States, including, Turkey, Jordan, and the UAE, act in open disregard of the arms embargo providing military support to the parties of the conflict.

Per se, the violation of the arms embargo is a violation of a Chapter VII Resolution of the Security Council and, thus, a violation of the UN Charter. In addition, as found by the ICJ, these forms of support may be in breach of the principle of non-intervention and the prohibition of the use of force.

Moreover, when linked to violations of human rights or IHL, military support can lead to additional consequences in terms of State responsibility and individual criminal responsibility.

State responsibility. The conduct in question could be in breach of Article 1 of the Geneva Conventions which requires States not to aid or assist violations of the Conventions. When it comes to arms transfers, States must refrain from transferring weapons if there is an expectation that they would be used to violate the Geneva Conventions. Consistently, in the Nicaragua case the ICJ found that States have an obligation not to encourage groups to engage in IHL violations (Nicaragua Case, paras.202, 292(9)).

Notably, addressing the question of the arms transfers by France, the UK, and the US to parties involved in the Yemeni conflict, the Yemen Commission of Inquiry concluded that the military and logistic support to a party to the conflict could amount to aiding and assisting the party in the commission of an internationally wrongful act (para.918).

Individual criminal responsibility. If connected to an international crime, the provision of military support may give rise to international criminal responsibility for the agents of such third countries under customary law and the Rome Statute. Pursuant to the Resolution 1970, the ICC has jurisdiction over crimes committed in the context of the ongoing conflict. Conducts aimed at providing military and logistical support that contribute to war crimes, for instance, qualify as aiding and abetting, under Article 25(3)(c) of the Rome Statute or liability under Article 25(3)(d) which criminalises any form of assistance to a group with a common purpose.

I now turn to the second set of allegations related to the interference of third States in the Libyan conflict, namely those related to violations connected to air strikes carried out by military jets and drones. According to the UN Panel of Experts, airstrikes conducted by foreign countries in support of the LNA resulted in disproportionate and indiscriminate attacks killing civilians.

Allow me to say that what is particularly disturbing about such allegations is that while there are clear indications that foreign states are directly involved in such attacks, there is still a lack of clarity on the origin or attribution of these operations. No State has acknowledged its responsibility for such operations.

Attributing responsibility for the attacks is one of the most challenging aspects if we want to scrutinise the acts of third-party interference in the Libya conflict. Nevertheless, such task is important given that such attacks may amount to a violation of IHL and qualify as war crimes.

Similar considerations also apply to the third feature of the foreign intervention in Libya, participation in the conflict trough the recruitment of the mercenaries. Both the UN Secretary General and UN Panel of Experts highlighted the growing involvement of foreign mercenaries on both sides of the conflict which have been implicated in IHL violations. The UN Working Group on the use of mercenaries referred to the recruitment of members of the so-called Syrian National Army fighting on the side of GNA and deployment of members of the Russian Wagner Group in support of the LNA.

Again, a full investigation is required to assess the connection of the mercenaries to third States. Their involvement in procuring mercenaries for the Libyan Conflict, per se, is in violation of the arms embargo and when connected to IHL or Human Rights violations may engage personal and state responsibility as I explained earlier. If instead States exercise effective control over such mercenaries, automatically then may be held responsible for their actions.

Finally, I would like to mention that these considerations similarly apply to any human rights violations committed against migrants in detention in Libya. European countries’ cooperation with Libyan authorities in the area of migration resulted in the support to practices that are inconsistent with international human rights standards. As the other civilians in Libya, migrants have been exposed to the violence of the hostilities of the second Libya civil war. State assistance to international wrongful acts of other states will inevitably attract State Responsibility for such an act under Article 16 of the Articles of State Responsibility.

I hope that I did not enter to much in the legal technicalities of the question. However, the allegations I’ve highlighted today indicate that the role of such third parties is now so inextricably linked to the conflict and the human rights violations committed in Libya that any attempts to establish accountability for such violations requires comprehensive scrutiny of their acts and conducts as well.

Overlooking or sidestepping such question may result in an incomplete exercise inconsistent with the right of victims of serious human rights violations to know the truth and to obtain full accountability for the abuses suffered.

In this regard, the broad mandate of the FFM encompasses such alleged violations and I hope that indeed it does investigate such types of violations. But the FFM cannot be left alone with such challenging mission. States must also assist the mission and when possible try to put an end of jus cogens violations arising in Libya.

On 9 December 2020, Uprights co-Founder, Alessandro Pizzuti, will participate with No Peace Without Justice, in a virtual parliamentary briefing on “Dynamics of Human Rights Violations and Impunity in Libya” chaired by Hon. Giuliano Pisapia MEP, Standing Rapporteur on Libya for the European Parliament. Together with other international experts, Uprights will address in particular the question of the role in and responsibility of third States engaged in the Libyan conflict for human rights and international humanitarian law violations which occurred on the ground. Assessing the responsibility of these actors is necessary to establish full accountability for such breaches.

In view of the ongoing Libyan political dialogue forum, the briefing will focus on the issue of impunity as an obstacle to a lasting political solution in Libya.

Speakers will include
– Amb. Mohamed Auajjar, Chair of the Independent Fact-Finding Mission on Libya (IFFM)
– Prof. Chaloka Beyani, Senior Lecturer in International Law, Member of the IFFM
– Dr. Nasser Faraj Al Ghita, Human Rights Senior Adviser at the Libyan Ministry of Justice.
– Mr. Alessando Pizzuti, International Legal expert, Co-Founder of Uprights
– Dr. Niccoló Figá Talamanca, Secretary General of No Peace Without Justice.

Date: Wednesday 9 December 2020

Broadcast time: 17h00 CET

Streamed in French, English, Italian and Arabic

For info and registration: https://tinyurl.com/eventbrite9Dec20

The stream of the event can be followed on our social media pages:
* Facebook No Peace Without Justice (English, French)
* Facebook Non C’è Pace Senza Giustizia (Italian)
* Facebook NPWJ Libya (Arabic)
* Twitter
* Youtube